Belarusians have changed dramatically. A vibrant popular movement has unfolded since 2020, culminating in mass protests, the largest since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Unlike in previous elections, the grassroots represented people from all walks of life, united by social media channels and led by women.

Belarus' dictator Alexander Lukashenko has lost support and legitimacy in the eyes of the population. Massive mobilisation scared him. The regime has since then switched to survival mode and focused its efforts on destroying any dissent. Civil society became the first target.

The level of repressions has been the largest in the country's post-independence history. Since August 2020, around 40 000 people have been detained. The number of recognised political prisoners has reached nearly 1 000 and counting.

Nevertheless, Belarusians never gave up. They have created structures that will become the foundations of a new Belarus. They have developed reforms, and fundraised to support those in need and each other. The two largest crowdfunding initiatives, BySol and ByHelp, have distributed USD 7 million to provide financial and legal assistance to the victims of repression. In response, the regime accused these campaigns of financing extremism and launched criminal cases against their founders. In some cases, people who received aid from these programmes had their bank accounts frozen.

When Lukashenko's regime cracked down violently on protestors, human rights defenders worked tirelessly to document the State's brutality and free political prisoners. Even though more than 100 websites have been blocked and all major independent outlets pushed out of the country, people have distributed self-published newspapers and sent their eye-witness reports to journalists abroad. There are currently 32 media workers in jail, yet the information flow never stopped.

Today's Belarusian civil society is resolute, resilient and more creative than the State. But it is also under extreme pressure. Arrests and fines deprive organisations of human resources. Many have relocated to other countries, suspended their activities, or had to make their work invisible to the regime. More than 300 non-governmental organisations have been dissolved. Inside Belarus, already limited options of funding have become even more constrained.

It is now a matter of urgency that the democratic world reconsiders its strategy towards supporting civil society in Belarus. The main task is to preserve structures on the ground and to help those organisations that had to flee.

  • First and foremost, donor organisations should take into account increased operational costs in the context of repression and relocation, as well as reduced opportunities for civil society to receive income within Belarus.
  • Consider the change in the formats of activity, when the management is provided outside the country. The vast majority of organisations can currently exist only abroad while activities inside the country are in most cases possible informally and in a limited way. However challenging this is, it is important to support people inside the country where many organisations continue to have their staff.
  • Currently, many organisations are lacking freedom in planning strategies, with support being provided under short-term projects, lasting up to a year. It is crucial to offer more opportunities for long-term and infrastructure support. This is especially the case for relocated organisations to keep up their communication with target groups in Belarus. Horizontal links between activists and initiatives should be built and maintained.
  • In addition, donors and trusted beneficiaries should exchange information to ensure the best use of assistance and that GONGOs and pro-regime organisations do not manipulate support.

Lukashenko wants to keep Belarus in darkness. The media needs more support than ever.

  • Firstly, emergency aid for journalists is important, which should include legal, financial and psychological support.
  • Secondly, institutional support to both already established media outlets is crucial, as well as the development of a decentralised network of blogs and communication channels within Belarus. People are hungry for new content.
  • Thirdly, stronger measures aimed at countering propaganda and disinformation should be supported. It is crucial to counter internet surveillance and provide Belarusian journalists with tools to circumvent censorship as well as increase their digital literacy. This is a significant component contributing to the promotion of the country's sovereignty.

Supporting civil society should require a long-term strategy, with enough flexibility and creativity. As a result, it will help create the culture of opposition and respectful debate, as well as strengthen the transformation process.

Hanna Liubakova