Four million Ukrainians are still benefiting from temporary protection in the EU, which grants access to work, education and social rights. The challenge now is to turn a temporary measure into sustainable long-term policies that prevent social tensions and protect labour rights, writes Mateusz Szymański, rapporteur of the opinion A predictable and common European way forward for Ukrainians in the EU.

By Mateusz Szymański

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has created a situation that is unprecedented in the history of the European Union: the arrival not of thousands or hundreds of thousands, but of millions of people fleeing war. Thanks to the commitment of Member States and their citizens, the EU has been able to meet this challenge and provide refugees with safe shelter.

At the same time, the EU took an extremely important decision to grant, for the first time, so-called temporary protection to Ukrainians arriving in the EU. This mechanism enables immediate and collective protection, without the need to assess individual applications, for people unable to return to their country of origin. Its purpose is to harmonise rights across the EU. Employment and education are central pillars of these rights, alongside accommodation, healthcare and social assistance.

It is estimated that more than four million people currently benefit from temporary protection in the EU, most of them in Czechia, Germany and Poland. The majority are women and children. Today, questions about how to approach the long-term stay of Ukrainian refugees are becoming increasingly relevant. There are several issues that need to be discussed. First and foremost, we must prevent rising social tensions and ensure this topic is not misused for political purposes. This is precisely why an open, fact-based public debate is necessary. Civil society must be at the forefront of such a discussion.

Among the most important challenges are ensuring access to public services and creating the conditions necessary for Ukrainians to participate fully in the labour market. There are many barriers preventing them from finding employment (for example, the requirement to know the host-country language). Unfortunately, cases of unfair employment practices also occur. Additionally, the urgent shortage of housing in many Member States must be addressed, as new arrivals further increase demand.

While these issues concern the situation within the EU, what we need now is a long‑term plan for Ukrainians staying here. Any such plan must recognise that some refugees will return home once the situation stabilises and Ukraine becomes safe again. This is why we at the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) are emphasising the importance of using frozen Russian funds held in EU banks for reconstruction. These funds should also support socially responsible reforms, particularly in labour market regulation and the fight against corruption. The success of the EU-Ukraine integration process will depend on avoiding social and economic tensions. This can only be achieved if the standards we know within the EU also become part of Ukraine’s legal system.

At the same time, we must begin discussing the future now and prepare concrete solutions. Temporary protection cannot last forever. It has already been extended several times, creating uncertainty that, in a sense, contradicts the very idea of temporary protection. Member States should therefore strengthen their administrative capacity and encourage Ukrainians to regularise their stay in the EU already, through means other than temporary protection. Unfortunately, there are worrying signs that administrative procedures are too lengthy and that authorities are not prepared to cope with such a high number of applicants. Hopefully, this will change. Digitalisation seems to offer an opportunity to make the entire process a success.

The EESC’s recommendations for integrating Ukrainians into the EU

In line with its core mission, the EESC recommends ways of transforming political decisions into practical solutions. The European Council has already agreed to extend temporary protection until March 2027 and has proposed to open a wider discussion on the long‑term future of Ukrainians in the EU. Accordingly, the EESC has put forward its own recommendations for both integration and the eventual return of Ukrainians.

Given its unique insight into local circumstances, the EESC is well positioned to address these issues, hence the EESC’s specific recommendations, which concern, among other things, working conditions. On the one hand, we see cases of abuse, which are unacceptable and must be addressed through proper enforcement of the law. On the other hand, many Ukrainians often work below their qualifications, which is also detrimental. Effective mechanisms for recognising qualifications are essential. At yet another level, our opinion emphasises the importance of being economically active and participating in civil society organisations, including in trade unions, as they effectively defend the rights of Ukrainian workers. This would also help build good relations and trust.

We must also take into account the situation in Ukraine itself. Unfortunately, over the years – and not only during the current Russian war of aggression against Ukraine – there has been far-reaching liberalisation of labour law there. The authorities do not hide their aversion to trade unions and social dialogue. An assessment of these regulations shows that many of them contradict the fundamental International Labour Organization standards. There is no justification for denying workers their rights, which – as is often forgotten – are basic human rights, even in times of war.

There is, however, some room for optimism. A tripartite memorandum on labour law reforms has recently been signed, aimed at bringing Ukrainian regulations closer to international standards. Let us hope this will indeed happen.

The EESC will continue its work in this area, which remains of crucial importance. In addition, several bodies in the EESC are dedicated to cooperation with Ukraine, where this discussion can be continued. Importantly, EESC members remain in contact with Ukrainians living in the EU through their networks. What matters to us is maintaining strong social and interpersonal relations – independent of high‑level political dynamics.

Mateusz Szymański is a member of the EESC’s Workers’ Group.

The European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) has given its backing to the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) My Voice, My Choice: For Safe and Accessible Abortion, endorsing its proposal for an EU solidarity mechanism enabling women who cannot access abortion in their home country to receive care in another Member State.

During its January plenary session, the EESC adopted an opinion on the ECI, following a debate that underscored that abortion is a fundamental human right that must be protected for every woman.

EESC President Séamus Boland stressed civil society’s essential role, stating that ‘ensuring that rights and services are not only guaranteed in principle, but accessible in practice, lies at the heart of social justice and political responsibility.’

The debate highlighted persistent inequalities across Europe, where restrictive laws or insufficient healthcare force many women abroad or leave them without safe options.

The European Commission’s Deputy Director‑General for Justice and Consumers Irena Moozová noted that the Commission is evaluating the ECI, with conclusions expected by 2 March. Members of the European Parliament and civil society groups warned of a global backlash against reproductive rights. Member of the European Parliament’s Women's Rights and Gender Equality Committee (FEMM) Abir Al‑Sahlani noted that ‘history was made’ when Parliament adopted a resolution supporting the ECI, while Mary Collins of the European Women’s Lobby stressed the need to push back against disinformation.

The rapporteur of the EESC’s opinion, José Antonio Moreno Díaz, reiterated the Committee’s stance: ‘The EESC opinion fully supports the My Voice, My Choice initiative, which recognises the right to abortion as a woman’s right to privacy, integrity, sexuality, personal autonomy and, ultimately, health.’

The initiative, backed by more than 1.2 million signatures, calls for an EU financial mechanism covering abortion‑related costs for women lacking access at home. The Committee agreed in its opinion, stressing that access must not depend on geography or income, and that obstructing abortion may amount to institutional gender‑based violence.(lm)

At its January 2026 plenary session, the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) adopted a resolution setting out the EU’s priorities for the 70th United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UN CSW70). Centred on access to justice, women’s participation in public life and the elimination of gender‑based violence, the resolution outlines a roadmap for strengthening women’s rights and reinforcing democracy in Europe and globally.

The EESC highlights that women and girls worldwide continue to face legal, financial, social and digital barriers that prevent them from defending their rights. During the plenary debate, the rapporteurs stressed the urgency of removing discriminatory laws, improving legal aid and ensuring justice systems are accessible, affordable and gender‑responsive. They also emphasised the importance of civil society and social partners in supporting women who face discrimination, violence or exploitation.

Access to justice, the Committee notes, is both a human right and a prerequisite for exercising all other rights. To address persistent barriers, the resolution calls for eliminating discriminatory legislation, strengthening gender‑responsive judicial institutions, expanding affordable legal aid and ensuring the safety and confidentiality of survivors of violence. It also stresses the need for more women in judicial careers and for mandatory gender‑bias training for legal professionals. Digitalisation is highlighted as another priority, with Member States urged to expand digital literacy and ensure online legal information is accessible to all women.

CSW70 will also assess progress on women’s participation in public life and efforts to eliminate violence against women. The EESC underscores the need for equal representation, zero tolerance for gender‑based violence and protection for female human‑rights defenders, especially where civic space is shrinking.

Finally, the Committee commits to advancing CSW70 outcomes through strengthened civil dialogue, gender‑responsive budgeting, awareness‑raising and improved data collection.(lm)

The European Economic and Social Committee is calling for a significantly strengthened European Social Fund (ESF) within future National and Regional Partnership Plans (NRPPs). The ESF must remain central to ensuring quality employment, lifelong learning, social inclusion and equal opportunities during the 2028-2034 programming period.

In an opinion adopted at its January plenary session, the EESC stated that the European Commission’s proposal to reorganise cohesion and agricultural funding under a single strategic architecture can only succeed if the ESF retains its distinct mission, prioritises those most in need and continues to be shaped by meaningful partnerships with social actors at all levels.

To address Europe’s social and economic challenges – from the green and digital transitions to persistent poverty and unequal access to services – the Committee called for raising social spending under the NRPPs from 14% to 20%, with at least 14% specifically dedicated to the ESF. It also asked for clearer rules on what constitutes social expenditure.

The ESF’s multilevel governance model should be maintained, keeping national and regional programmes mandatory. The EESC called for systematic consultation of social partners and civil society, mandatory voting rights for them on ESF monitoring committees and dedicating at least 1% of ESF resources in all Member States to strengthening their administrative capacity.

On skills and employment, the EESC highlighted the need for stronger vocational training, adult learning, STEM and digital skills, improved apprenticeships and support for youth employment, including allocating at least 20% of ESF resources to the reinforced Youth Guarantee.

The Committee further called for expanding ESF support for social inclusion, high‑quality social services, work-life balance, elderly and disability care, mental and physical health, and affordable housing.(lm)

EESC calls for swift, concrete action to accelerate AI deployment across the EU, especially for SMEs and scale-ups. In a global AI race driven by speed and scale, Europe must position reliability and trustworthiness as its defining strengths.

At its January plenary session, the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) gave its backing to the European Commission's Apply AI Strategy, which seeks to move AI from research and hype to real use in business and public services.

During a plenary debate with the European Commission and AI experts before the adoption of the EESC's opinion on the strategy, the EESC stressed that AI must be trustworthy, transparent and human-centric. Europe’s competitive advantage lies in an approach to AI that considers both technological progress and the protection of human dignity, workers’ rights and fundamental freedoms.

EESC President Séamus Boland said: ‘As AI evolves rapidly, Europe cannot afford fragmented approaches or uneven capabilities across Member States and sectors. The gap between technological innovation and practical deployment is still significant, and we must address it collectively.’

Lucilla Sioli, Director of the Artificial Intelligence Office at the European Commission, said that the slow progress in governance implementation across Member States risks undermining the development of trustworthy and compliant AI: ‘We call on the Member States to revise their AI strategies and align them with the vision and ambitions of the Apply AI Strategy.

In its opinion, the EESC calls for swift, concrete action to accelerate AI deployment across the EU, particularly for SMEs and scale-ups. It strongly advocates simpler access to funding, lighter administrative requirements and clearer intellectual property rules, alongside stronger regional AI ecosystems built on European digital innovation hubs. The Committee also stresses the need for sustained investment in AI skills.

Max Reddel, Advanced AI Director at the Centre for Future Generations, commended the EESC’s emphasis on building sovereign European AI capabilities and avoiding dependence on foreign AI systems, including non-European frontier models.

'Europe’s strength is reliability. We build technology that doesn’t break. ASML’s lithography machines. Airbus aircraft. Technologies so precise and dependable that we lead markets others pioneered. We can replicate this in AI,’ Mr Reddel said. (ll)

Since the beginning of Russia’s full‑scale invasion, the EESC’s Ukraine Hub has offered Ukrainian civil society organisations a dedicated space to work, connect and host small‑scale events in Brussels. Among its users is Ukrainian Prism, one of the country’s leading think tanks specialising in foreign policy and international security. Prism representative, Mariia Korban, told us about the organisation’s mission and described how the Hub has enabled them to contribute directly to the European conversation on Ukraine at the heart of EU policymaking.

The European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) established the Ukraine Hub in April 2022, two months after Russia launched its massive assault on the country. The Hub was set up as a concrete form of support, providing office space for Ukrainian civil society organisations (CSOs). The initiative quickly expanded when the Committee of the Regions invited Ukrainian local and regional authorities (LRAs) to join.

Since September 2022, the Hub has been based in the former VIP restaurant of the EESC’s Van Maerlant building. In 2023, Hub organisations were authorised to host small‑scale events, and around 30 such events have taken place to date, bringing together nearly 1 000 participants. The EESC also provides logistical support to Hub users, including printing services and access to network equipment in the VMA building.

Among the Hub’s users is Ukrainian Prism, the Foreign Policy Council contributing Ukrainian expertise on foreign policy and security to European debates. We spoke with Prism representative, Mariia Korban, who outlined the organisation’s work and explained what cooperation with the EESC means in practice.

Since opening your Brussels office in 2023, you have been very active. Could you briefly explain what Ukrainian Prism is and highlight some of the key activities or achievements you are most proud of?

Ukrainian Prism is a Kyiv-based think tank specialising in Ukraine’s foreign policy and international security. Through ten research programmes, we work on the regions and policy areas that shape Ukraine’s role in the world.

For us, expertise is not knowledge for its own sake, but a contribution to shared decisions. This is why, in early 2023, we opened an office in Brussels –  not to observe European policymaking from the outside, but to take an active part in European processes and to ensure the consistent integration of Ukrainian expertise into the European dialogue.

Since then, we have organised or co-organised 70 expert events in Brussels and across EU capitals, bringing together more than 3 000 participants from diplomacy, EU institutions, policy analysis, media and civil society. These events were designed to foster substantive and informed dialogue between Ukraine and its European partners.

In parallel, we coordinate four regional expert forums with Southern Europe, the Nordic-Baltic Eight, the Weimar Triangle and the Benelux countries, helping to strengthen mutual understanding and trust across Europe.

The EESC Ukraine Hub seems to be an important partner for your organisation. What does this cooperation offer in practical terms?

For Ukrainian Prism, the Ukraine Hub at the European Economic and Social Committee has become a genuine institutional anchor in Brussels.

By hosting us within its premises, the EESC has given us the opportunity to work at the very heart of the European institutional landscape – not as guests, but as partners in a shared European conversation on Ukraine. This proximity enables continuous engagement and lays the foundation for long-term, trust-based cooperation.

The Ukraine Hub also provides a stable platform for regular interaction between Ukrainian expertise and European stakeholders, while supporting the inclusion of a broader range of Ukrainian experts and civil society representatives in the Brussels dialogue. In this way, institutional support is translated into tangible and lasting impact.

Your organisation celebrated its 10th anniversary at the end of 2025. What are the main priorities for the next stage of Ukrainian Prism’s work?

Ten years is not a conclusion – it is a responsibility.

Our main priority is to do everything possible to help bring peace and victory to our country and to ensure a secure and sustainable future for Ukraine. With this understanding, we are focused on further embedding Ukrainian expertise into European strategic discussions on security, enlargement and Europe’s long-term resilience - as a credible and well-informed partner.

We will continue to deepen cooperation with EU institutions, Member States and think tanks, building on established partnerships and ensuring Ukraine’s active and trusted presence in shaping Europe’s shared future.

Mariia Korban is Manager of the Brussels Office of the Foreign Policy Council Ukrainian Prism, with a professional background in diplomacy and international cooperation. Her work focuses on European politics, EU–Ukraine relations, contemporary security challenges and public diplomacy.

The EESC has stood by Ukraine since the start of Russia's aggression, and its members did not hesitate to support Ukrainian people and refugees directly in their own countries. Marcin Nowacki, a Polish member of the EESC and president of the Section for Transport, Energy, Infrastructure and the Information Society (TEN), spoke to us about the assistance provided by Polish businesses both during the early stages of war and now, during its fourth winter.

You represent employers at the European Economic and Social Committee. Could you tell us how Polish companies and entrepreneurs have been involved in supporting Ukraine since the outbreak of the war?

Polish businesses have been involved in helping Ukraine since day one. This has included financial support (for the Ukrainian army and NGOs), material support (humanitarian aid convoys), infrastructure and logistical support (providing warehouses and offices) and business support (helping Ukrainians join the Polish and European markets). It’s hard to list all the forms it took because everyone wanted to help and took the initiative themselves. In my case, in the first weeks of the war my involvement was focused on organisation and transportation of advanced medical products for the Ukrainian military. In a small, international team, we managed to organise the financing for the purchase of the products needed and to cover all the logistics involved in this process. I spent many weeks travelling by bus and making deliveries to the Ukrainian side.

What kind of support has been offered to refugees from Ukraine in Poland? In recent months there has been talk of ‘solidarity fatigue’, and reports indicate that public support for hosting Ukrainians is not as strong as it was at the beginning of the war. In your experience, are entrepreneurs and businesses decreasing their involvement in supporting refugees from Ukraine?

After four years of war, the intensity of support and involvement across society is certainly at a different level. During the early stages of the war, support covered almost all possible areas, from people taking families into their own homes, to financial support, to psychological and legal assistance. I remember frantic phone calls between family, friends and colleagues trying to find extra rooms or beds for refugees. It was real, spontaneous involvement by society as a whole. More recently, this type of thing is no longer what’s needed. Most refugees residing in Poland have found work and that is the greatest support that Poland, and our employers, can provide. Fortunately, the Polish labour market is very dynamic and open. Refugees from Ukraine are always welcome. However, in certain sectors, where there has been a rapid change in the market over a relatively short period of time, some expressions of dissatisfaction can be heard. This is mostly an emotional reaction, as while Poland has a very large refugee population, it is also experiencing a historically low unemployment rate. In my view, there is a place for all of us. One ongoing challenge is knowledge of the Polish language. It’s important to remember that knowledge of the local language is important in Poland, in terms of both the labour market and for becoming part of society.

What forms of assistance will be crucial in the long term, particularly when it comes to rebuilding Ukraine and strengthening its civil society? What role can employers’ organisations play in this process?

The role of civil society organisations, including business organisations, is twofold: to support Ukraine’s European integration process and to work towards the long-term commitment of European countries to provide military and financial assistance for Ukraine as it defends itself. We know that as any war goes on, fatigue sets in, especially for communities that are not directly involved. Many would like the problem to just sort itself out. But it doesn’t work that way and Ukraine needs Europe. Europe, in turn, needs a safe and independent Ukraine. It is therefore important to adapt to European integration and to maintain ongoing interest and sympathy for Ukraine within European societies. This takes work and effort on all our parts, including, of course, Ukrainians themselves.

By the EESC Workers' Group

As the continent enters the fourth year of what was meant to be Vladimir Putin's 'three-day special military operation' to overthrow the Ukrainian government, nullify Ukraine’s independence and ensure its return as a vassal state, the war rages on. Between half a million and 1.5 million people have been killed or injured, vast areas of land have become unusable and entire cities lie in ruins. For four years, Ukrainians have valiantly fought against a numerically superior enemy, enduring war crimes, constant attacks on civilians and blackouts in the depths of winter.

The continuation of the war raises difficult questions about the future. With U.S. support dwindling in recent years, fuelled by the Trump administration's worldview centred on spheres of influence, Europe has become Ukraine's main backer. Given Ukraine’s role as the frontline of European security, this support is driven not by charity, but by Europe's existential need.

At the same time, Chinese support and Russia's autarkic economy have blunted the impact of Western sanctions. Putin’s continued strategy of 'feeling forward' (driven largely by the lack of viable alternatives) is turning Russia into a Chinese economic vassal (even though the enmity between the two should not be underestimated). Russia, for its part, accuses the EU of obstructing ‘peace’ (which in practice would mean Ukrainian capitulation), and promises ‘no more wars’ if Russia and its interests are respected. This is hardly reassuring, as Russia’s interests tend to include entire or large parts of its neighbouring states, some of them within the European Union.

Moreover, Russia’s war economy provides little incentive for a return to peace now that its military is fully mobilised, while Trump’s own 'special military operations' legitimise Russia’s actions in what it considers its backyard. At the same time, although Ukraine has fought admirably against overwhelming odds, Western support has too often been sufficient only to keep it in the fight, but not enough to enable victory.

Despite all the geopolitical considerations, the war continues unabated and people are still dying. Ukraine must press forward on its EU accession path, and this should also prompt the EU to rethink both the accession process and its internal decision-making procedures.  In a world shaped by strongmen, raw power and spheres of influence, the EU must stand its ground and show there is another way, and that there is hope for normal countries to survive without becoming vassals of larger powers.

Securing a sovereign and independent future for Ukraine is central to this vision. Only by doing so can the EU use its influence to improve people’s lives within Ukraine itself, strengthening civil and social dialogue, supporting social partners and protecting fundamental rights. Although sometimes called into question during wartime, social dialogue and collective bargaining remain essential to societal peace and strength. They play a key role in mobilising social forces within the country and ensuring support for the country's defence efforts.