The EESC issues between 160 and 190 opinions, evaluation and information reports a year.
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The EESC brings together representatives from all areas of organised civil society, who give their independent advice on EU policies and legislation. The EESC's326 Members are organised into three groups: Employers, Workers and Various Interests.
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stresses that State aid can reliably support EU companies in their transition efforts, leveraging the massive investments needed to achieve this collective goal. It is essential to ensure that public support is used as efficiently as possible, promoting cross-border projects and reinforcing European value chains.
emphasises that merger assessment should evolve further, taking infrastructure investments, innovation and sustainability better into account. All stakeholders’ views should be taken into consideration in merger analysis.
recommends that the review of the rules on Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEIs) must ensure a truly European approach and the European Competitiveness Fund must be designed and deployed with a European perspective too.
stresses the importance of reconciling the need for strong public support for social economy entities – which often perform functions and roles formerly performed by the State – with the EU rules on State aid, and welcomes the proposal made in the Letta report on the single market regarding the need to adapt the current legal framework on State aid in order to facilitate better access to credit and funding for social economy entities;
believes that the rules for granting aid for the recruitment of disadvantaged workers or workers with disabilities set out in Section 6 of the General Block Exemption Regulation should be strengthened and simplified. As suggested in the Letta Report, and in the communication on criteria for the analysis of the compatibility of State aid for the employment of disadvantaged and disabled workers subject to individual notification, these rules should be updated to reflect the current economic situation;
notes that the legal framework for aid for services of general economic interest (SGEIs) is not being properly harnessed by public authorities, which often fail to give sufficient attention to the high degree of discretion that is conferred on them by the Treaties with regard to the power to classify certain activities as SGEIs.
UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is ready to support Syrians who feel it is safe to return home. But for all others, it advises against forced returns to a country marked by political uncertainty and grappling with one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, where as much as 90% of the population lives below the poverty line, writes UNHCR’s Jean-Nicolas Beuze
UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is ready to support Syrians who feel it is safe to return home. But for all others, it advises against forced returns to a country marked by political uncertainty and grappling with one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, where as much as 90% of the population lives below the poverty line, writes UNHCR’s Jean-Nicolas Beuze
By Jean-Nicolas Beuze
As the political landscape in Syria rapidly evolves following the downfall of President Bashar al-Assad, the debate surrounding the world’s largest refugee population has taken centre stage across Europe.
An increasing number of EU countries are pausing decisions on asylum applications for Syrians, with some announcing initiatives that include chartered flights and financial incentives or ‘return bonuses’ to encourage refugees to go back home. Others are even reportedly planning to deport Syrians currently on their territory, regardless of their asylum status.
For EU states to make informed asylum decisions, they need to assess whether Syria is safe for Syrians currently residing in Europe to return to. Given the rapidly evolving situation on the ground, it is impossible to make definitive judgements about safety at this time. The security landscape in Syria remains uncertain, as the country teeters between the possibility of peace and reconciliation and the risk of further violence.
Millions of Syrian refugees living outside of the country are grappling with what the evolving situation in their homeland means for their own future. They are asking themselves: Will Syria be safe for me? Will my rights be respected? For some, the prospect of returning may seem more feasible, but for others deep concerns remain.
What does the future hold for those belonging to ethnic or religious minorities, holding differing political views or identifying as part of the LGBTQ + community in today’s Syria? The answer is still unclear.
But for those who feel it is safe to return, we must respect their judgement – and potentially support them in returning and reintegrating into their communities of origin. However, for all others, UNHCR advises against forced returns due to the ongoing instability and political uncertainty in the country.
Forced repatriation from the European Union would violate the rights of Syrians as refugees, putting them at risk of serious and irreparable harm upon return.
The ongoing armed violence in various parts of Syria, combined with uncertainty about how the new authorities will address the needs of the population, especially vulnerable groups, makes it premature for many to consider returning. It is important to respect their judgement in this matter. Therefore, the EU Member States, along with countries neighbouring Syria that have generously hosted most Syrian refugees for more than a decade, must continue to uphold their commitment to providing protection for Syrians on their territory.
Of the 1.1 million people internally displaced by the escalation of hostilities at the end of November, approximately 627 000 people remain newly displaced, 75 per cent of whom are women and children.
Premature returns pose significant risks, not least fueling a cycle of displacement – both within Syria and across borders – ultimately deepening the crisis.
Aside from mass displacement, Syria is dealing with one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Large portions of Syria’s infrastructure have been destroyed in the conflict, including hospitals, schools and housing. Most refugees have no homes to return to. Many regions are still experiencing shortages of food, clean water and medical care. The lack of basic services, economic opportunities and safety makes it challenging for returnees to rebuild their lives in a sustainable and dignified manner. A striking 90 per cent of the population in Syria lives below the poverty line.
In the past few weeks, the voluntary returns of Syrians from Lebanon, Türkiye and Jordan have noticeably increased, with preliminary estimates showing 125 000 or roughly 7000 per day. While these returns are driven by individual choices, UNHCR is committed to supporting those who decide to return now.
As many Syrians in Europe and neighbouring countries consider whether it is safe to return and question what they will find in terms of basic services and opportunities to rebuild their lives, they deeply long to reunite with loved ones. For this reason, many wish to return home for short visits to assess the situation on the ground. They need to be able to do so without the fear of losing their refugee status in Europe. These ‘go and see’ visits are essential for people to make informed decisions that will lead to better outcomes, including safe and durable returns.
Patience and caution are essential as Syrians await the right conditions for a safe return and successful reintegration into their communities. As many Syrians begin to consider returning home, UNHCR is ready to support them. After years of displacement, this could be a long-awaited opportunity for many to end their refugee journey and embrace a lasting solution by returning to Syria. Just as the European Union and UNHCR have stood by them throughout their exile, we will continue to stand with them as they return and rebuild a new Syria.
Jean-Nicolas Beuze is the UNHCR country representative to the EU, Belgium, Ireland, Luxembourg, The Netherlands and Portugal, having previously served as country representative in Iraq, Yemen and Canada. He has over 27 years of experience working for the UN in the field and at the headquarters in the areas of human rights, peacekeeping and child protection.
The EU’s response to post-Assad Syria faces challenges balancing humanitarian needs, migration policy, and the country’s stabilisation and reconstruction. Domestic politics and short-term considerations risk prioritising and hastening returns, while coordinated and balanced approaches could play crucial roles in stabilising Syria and fostering long-term development, writes EESC Info’s surprise guest Alberto-Horst Neidhardt, a top migration expert at the European Policy Centre.
The EU’s response to post-Assad Syria faces challenges balancing humanitarian needs, migration policy, and the country’s stabilisation and reconstruction. Domestic politics and short-term considerations risk prioritising and hastening returns, while coordinated and balanced approaches could play crucial roles in stabilising Syria and fostering long-term development, writes EESC Info’s surprise guest Alberto-Horst Neidhardt, a top migration expert at the European Policy Centre.
Alberto-Horst Neidhardt is a Senior Policy Analyst and Head of the European Diversity and Migration programme at the European Policy Centre (EPC). He works on asylum and migration law and policies, EU citizens’ rights, disinformation, and the politics of migration. He obtained a PhD in EU law from the European University Institute. He lectures at the Catholic University of Lille on migration and mobility policies, EU governance and ethical policymaking.
A month after the end of Bashar al-Assad’s brutal rule, the official EU response remains largely confined to the announcement of assistance for development and economic stabilisation. It remains unclear whether and when sanctions on Syria will be lifted. European support will hinge on protections for minorities and other guarantees, the prospects for which remain uncertain. Syria’s complex political, security and humanitarian dynamics suggest that any democratic consolidation will be long and challenging. This will test the EU’s ability to speak with one voice and act jointly on the country’s future. Instead, several European countries showed no hesitation in highlighting an immediate and common priority: returning displaced Syrians. In December, just days after the Assad regime lost Damascus, Austria – where FPÖ leader Herbert Kickl received a mandate to form a new government – announced a ‘return bonus’ and a deportation programme for those with criminal records. In the Netherlands, the coalition government led by right-wing nationalist Geert Wilders plans to identify safe areas for returns. Germany also announced that protection granted to Syrians will be ‘reviewed and revoked’ if the country stabilises. Other European countries have made similar declarations or are watching the situation closely. In this light, even the decision on lifting sanctions may be driven by the goal of implementing returns rather than by a shift in views about Syria’s new leadership.
With support for far-right and anti-immigration parties growing across Europe – and the German federal elections looming – the Member States’ vision for Syria is at risk of being dictated by domestic priorities and short-term electoral calculations. Between 2015 and 2024, over one million Syrians were granted protection by EU Member States, most of them in Germany. Their presence has become a contentious political and societal issue. Amidst widely publicised security incidents, high inflation, and rising energy costs, public sentiment in many refugee-hosting countries has grown less welcoming. This shift has normalised hostile rhetoric and policies. Despite calls by the European Commission and UNHCR to take a cautious approach to returns, this dynamic could push European governments to accelerate them, even unilaterally.
Since the fall of the Assad regime in December, over 125 000 refugees have already returned to Syria, mostly from neighbouring countries. However, their prospects are grim. Even before recent events, more than half of Syria’s population faced food insecurity, with three million suffering severe hunger. With many houses destroyed by the conflict, hosting facilities are already at full capacity. According to the UNHCR, close to EUR 300 million is needed for those going back, for shelter, food and water. While the EU and the Member States should develop coordinated approaches to facilitate Syrians’ safe and voluntary repatriation in the long term, the immediate priority should be to address the country’s humanitarian needs in this context. Pressuring refugees to return rapidly to a war-torn and unstable country could actually backfire, further limiting access to food, energy and shelter. Large-scale returns could also disrupt the ethnic and socio-economic fabric of already fragile regions. A balanced and sustainable approach is further justified by the potential contribution of the Syrian diaspora to reconstruction efforts. The country will need engineers, doctors, administrators and teachers and manual workers at various skill levels. Syrians have gained valuable skills and experience in Europe across relevant sectors, including education, construction, and healthcare, but recruiting the right profiles will not be easy. A permanent return would also not be a pre-condition for contributing to the reconstruction: remittances from Europe could play a crucial role in poverty reduction and sustainable development. Through diaspora engagement, Europe-based Syrians could also help strengthen diplomatic and cultural ties between the EU and post-Assad Syria.
Yet, the Member States may struggle to adopt a balanced approach and fail to pursue a coordinated agenda. Some countries might prioritise long-term stability and Syria’s reconstruction, allowing returns to occur spontaneously. Others may hasten to offer financial incentives for voluntary repatriation or even systematically review Syrians’ status as soon as the humanitarian situation improves, even slightly. Yet, implementing a systematic review of refugee status will face significant legal hurdles, and involve considerable financial and administrative costs. Meanwhile, any incentives for return will have to account for the fact that most Syrians displaced in Europe are now settled, with over 300 000 having acquired EU citizenship. At the same time, the country’s bleak economic and labour prospects may discourage even the most motivated from going back. A fundamental question in this context will be if Syrians will be allowed to engage in so-called ‘pendular movements’ – returning for limited periods, with European host countries continuing to offer sustainable opportunities for a more permanent return.These questions will inevitably be intertwined with broader discussions on EU migration policy. The future negotiations on the reform of the EU Directive governing returns, for which a proposal is expected soon from the European Commission, could gain decisive momentum depending on evolving discussions about Syrians’ returns. But the Directive’s reform could similarly see further divisions emerging among the EU Member States. With migration policies in need of a fundamental rethink to address today’s challenges effectively, the EU’s approach to displaced Syrians is likely to constitute a first critical turning point in the new cycle.