Photo by Lucie Morauw

Young climate and human rights activist and co-founder of Youth for Climate Belgium Adélaïde Charlier lists all that is wrong with the COP29 climate deal that has just been brokered in the Azerbaijan capital of Baku. Seen by many as a symbol of broken trust and climate inequality, COP29 has left vulnerable nations and civil society bitterly disappointed.

Young climate and human rights activist and co-founder of Youth for Climate Belgium Adélaïde Charlier lists all that is wrong with the COP29 climate deal that has just been brokered in the Azerbaijan capital of Baku. Seen by many as a symbol of broken trust and climate inequality, COP29 has left vulnerable nations and civil society bitterly disappointed.

The recent COP29 climate conference in Baku has left the world divided, with vulnerable nations and civil society expressing deep frustration over what is seen as a betrayal of trust. While a deal was reached—pledging USD 300 billion annually to help developing countries adapt to climate change by 2035—it falls drastically short of the urgent needs of those on the front lines of the climate crisis.

'No deal is better than a bad deal'

Harjeet Singh, Global Engagement Director with the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative, set the tone 24 hours before the final deal was passed: 'No deal is better than a bad deal.' His statement echoed the mounting tension between affected countries, civil society, and wealthier nations. By Sunday, the conference presented a sobering reality with only one financial target: the pledge of ‘USD 300 billion per year by 2035’. This goal is ridiculous as it is far below what the vulnerable nations had collectively called for (USD 1.3 trillion to cover their needs in terms of adaptation, mitigation and addressing loss and damage).

This agreement is tied to the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG), which is meant to finance the climate transition in developing countries. While it is three times higher than the USD 100 billion target set in 2009, which was only met two years late in 2022, it is still far from sufficient. The 2009 USD 100 billion commitment would, accounting for inflation, amount to USD 258 billion by 2035, representing a real increase of only USD 42 billion in actual effort. The call from vulnerable nations has been clear: 'Trillions, not billions'.

The structure of the proposed financial objective is just as disappointing as the amount itself. It lacks any specific commitment to public funding mechanisms, such as grants or subsidies, which are critically needed by countries in the Global South.

Additionally, there are no sub-targets to adequately fund mitigation, adaptation, and addressing loss and damage. The lack of a clear focus on adaptation, combined with a disproportionate emphasis on mitigation—primarily financed by multilateral development banks and the private sector—demonstrates an ongoing failure to learn from 2009, where adaptation was significantly underfunded, compounded by the absence of accountability and dedicated financing for loss and damage.

Furthermore, while loss and damage are mentioned, they receive only a vague and superficial reference, rather than being integrated meaningfully into the agreement. The framework also leaves the door wide open for heavy reliance on private financing, including public-private partnerships, de-risked private investments supported by public funds, and fully private investments, which are actively encouraged.

Ignoring historical responsibilities

Beyond the insufficient funding, the deal has exposed deep cracks in climate diplomacy. Wealthier nations have ignored differentiated responsibility—shifting part of the financial burden to vulnerable countries already bearing the brunt of the climate impacts. Nations like India, Cuba, Bolivia, and Nigeria voiced their anger, accusing the rich countries of failing to pay for their historical greenhouse gas emissions.

This disregard has left trust in tatters, with tensions reaching levels unprecedented in the history of the COP negotiations. The current pledge of USD 300 billion pales in comparison to the USD 1 trillion estimated by UN experts as the minimum investment required for developing countries (excluding China) by 2035.

A bad deal under pressure

The world's poorest and most vulnerable nations, including the 45 least developed countries (LDCs) and 40 small island states, ultimately accepted the deal under immense political pressure. The fear of losing any agreement, particularly with the possibility of a Trump presidency threatening future climate progress, forced their hand. For many, it was a bitter compromise: accepting insufficient funding to secure immediate aid.

The price of delay

This 'bad deal' is not just a blow to diplomatic relations; it will have devastating consequences for millions of lives. Vulnerable nations have already been pushed to their limits by extreme weather, rising sea levels, and resource scarcity. Governments in wealthier nations must recognise that investing in climate action now will cost far less than waiting for the increase in the catastrophic bill Nature is making us pay.

The outcome of COP29 leaves a stark reminder: the climate crisis demands bold, urgent action, and justice for those most affected. Without transformative commitments, we are deepening year by year the divides between the global North and South—undermining the very essence of global climate cooperation.

As we look toward COP30, it’s clear that the fight for climate justice is far from over.

Adélaïde Charlier is a 23-year old European climate justice activist, best known as a co-founder of Youth for Climate Belgium and now as a founder of the Bridge organisation (bridging youth and climate politics). She is also a 2024 Forbes 30under30 nominee.

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Bulgaria and Romania are paying a hefty economic and political price for not benefitting fully from the Schengen regime, which also adversely affects the EU’s competitiveness and economic growth. It is high time that the Council of the EU set a date for lifting land border controls between the two countries and the other Schengen Member States, writes Mariya Mincheva, rapporteur of the opinion The cost of non-Schengen for the single market – impact on Bulgaria and Romania.  

Bulgaria and Romania are paying a hefty economic and political price for not benefitting fully from the Schengen regime, which also adversely affects the EU’s competitiveness and economic growth. It is high time that the Council of the EU set a date for lifting land border controls between the two countries and the other Schengen Member States, writes Mariya Mincheva, rapporteur of the opinion The cost of non-Schengen for the single market – impact on Bulgaria and Romania.  

By Mariya Mincheva

Bulgaria and Romania fulfilled the conditions for joining the Schengen zone in 2011. However, 13 years later, they have still not been granted the full benefits of free movement. This discrepancy carries a political price and fuels euroscepticism.

By Mariya Mincheva

Bulgaria and Romania fulfilled the conditions for joining the Schengen zone in 2011. However, 13 years later, they have still not been granted the full benefits of free movement. This discrepancy carries a political price and fuels euroscepticism.

At a Council meeting on 22 November in Budapest, the internal affairs ministers of Hungary, Austria, Bulgaria and Romania agreed to 'initiate the necessary steps' to set a date to lift checks on land borders, subject to stronger efforts to stem irregular migrants arriving via the Western Balkan route.

The Schengen Agreement is essential for the free movement of people, goods, services and capital within the EU, and is a key factor in the EU's economic success. Limitations undermine the EU's competitiveness and economic growth and hamper the delivery of the social market economy, as envisaged in the Treaties.

For years, Member States have been temporarily reintroducing border controls. However, the economic and social impact of these decisions on the single market has not been evaluated. The European Commission assesses physical trade barriers, but this only covers border blockades, demonstrations and truck attacks. The effects of land border controls, including the temporary reintroduction of border controls by Schengen Member States, are not taken into account.

In 2023, the Council agreed to lift internal air and maritime border controls with Bulgaria and Romania as of 31 March 2024. However, checks at internal land borders have been maintained, with no date set for their removal, resulting in significant costs and preventing companies from reaping the full benefits of the single market.

By taking steps to fully integrate Bulgaria and Romania into the Schengen zone, the EU can strengthen its internal cohesion, enhance its competitiveness and uphold the fundamental principles of free movement and solidarity underpinning the European project.

The European Parliament has argued that not being part of the Schengen zone could affect market expectations of these countries' status in the EU. It is a political signal that could have a bearing on the yields of government bonds, the prices of financial assets and the interest rates faced by firms and households, and could harm the real economy.

Both countries pay billions of euros annually due to increased logistics costs, delays in delivering goods and equipment, and increased fuel and driver costs. These direct costs are inevitably passed on to consumers through higher prices, impacting workers' physical and mental health.

This situation hampers tourism. It also impedes the free movement of labour, limiting opportunities for workers from Bulgaria and Romania to seek employment in neighbouring Member States. This limitation affects the construction, agriculture and services industries, which rely heavily on seasonal and temporary workers.

In his report on the future of the single market, Enrico Letta calls for firm opposition to any attempt to limit freedom of movement between Member States, including technical restrictions on routes and road transport, and any suspension of the Schengen Agreement.

It is high time that the Council set a date for lifting land border controls between Bulgaria, Romania and the other Member States which are members of the Schengen zone. A final decision on this issue is expected at the meeting of the EU Council for Justice and Home Affairs on 12 December.